Anaphora in the African Languages
Questionnaire Response for
Kinande – version 1.4
The
language reported on is Kinande, spoken in Butembo, in Eastern Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Its alternate name is Nande. (Ethnologue code NNB).
The consultant, Professor Ngessimo
Mutaka, is reporting his own judgments. He is familiar with syntax and
semantics and typological linguistics, and has studied lexical and generative
phonology. His parents spoke Kinande at home, which they spoke natively. He
learned Kinande natively and received schooling in English and French.
Contact Info:
UNgessimo
Mathe MutakaU
Dept of Linguistics,
Univ. of Yaounde 1,
P.O. Box 755
Yaounde, Cameroon
pmutaka@yahoo.com
PART 2 An inventory of reflexive and reciprocal
strategies
A1) John saw himself.
Yohani
mo-a-a-yi-langir-e [mwâyílángire]
John Pst-SM-TM-RFM-see-fv
John saw himself.
2.1.2 Is there another way, or are there other
ways, to express coreference in A1 (that is, with the verb UseeU held constant)?
No other way
2.1.3 Other verb types
A2a) Yohani akánabâ
Yohani
a-ka-nab-a
John
SM-TM-wash-fv
John
is washing. (meaning that John is washing himself)
b) Marya mwáyikénzíre
Marya mo-a-a-yi-kenz-ir-e
Mary TM-SM-TM-RFM-cut-TM-fv
Mary
cut herself
c) Johani akwíre esísóni
Johani a-ku-ire esísóni
John
SM-kill-TM shame
John is ashamed (meaning of himself or
of other people)
d) Yohani mo-a-a-yi-tsand-ir-i-e
John
TM-SM-TM-RFM-destroy-TM-CAUS-fv
John destroyed himself
e) tuyípónire
tu-yi-pon-ire
SM-RFM-hate-TM
We
hate ourselves
2.1.4 Obliques and other argument types - In the
preceding examples, the coindexed arguments were subject and object. Many
languages use a different coreference strategy for oblique arguments. Does
yours?
A3a) Johani ákánáya na Marya
Johani a-a-kan-a-i-a na Marya
John SM-TM-speak-a-CAUS-fv with Mary
John spoke with Mary
Comment: -a- is inserted for phonological reasons
b) Yohani ákánáya okó bimúlólerékô
Yohani a-a-kan-a-i-a okó bi-mú-lól-er-ire-ko
John SM-TMspeak-a-CAUS-fv on C7-him-look-TM-on
John spoke about things that concern
him (
Comment: Where him =
primarily John, C7 is the SM for class 7; here bi- refers to things.
bi) Yoháni álángira esanámu yíwe
John
saw picture his
John saw his Picture (not posible to say
John saw a Picture of him)
c) Yohani a-a-kani-ir-a-i-a [ákániráya] Marya
okó bimúlólerékô
John SM-TM-talk-APPL-a-CAUS-fv Mary on things that
concern him
John talked to Mary on things that
concern him (but him may also refer to Mary)
d) Bill a-a-tu-kaniraya okó bi-tú-lóleré-kô
[atúkániráya]
Bill SM-TM-us-talked on
C7-us-concern-on
Bill told us about the things that
concern us
e) Marya mo-a-ha-ir-e [mwáhére] abana omo byala
by-a-bo
Mary TM-SM-give-TM-fv
children in hands C7-CONN-them
Mary gave children in their own hands
Comment:
f) Yohani a-yí-gúl-ir-a ekitábu
John SM-RFM-buy-APPL-fv book
John bought the book for himself
A4a) Etta a-yi-ánz-ire
Etta SM-RFM-like-TM
Etta likes herself
b) Etta akáyísayisayâ
Etta a-ka-yi-sag-is-a-i-a
Etta SM-TM-RFM-scare-CAUS-a-CAUS-fv
Etta scares herself
Comment: Here,
-sag- means “be afraid”, is..i- is the causative with -a- inserted for phonological reasons.
c) Etta a-ká-yí-bul-á m’ omútíma
Etta SM-TM-RFM-miss-fv in heart
Etta misses the heart inside herself
"Etta worries herself"
Comment: Etta
RFM-miss x in heart, where x is the object of “in”. 'Heart' is still perceived
as an object of erí-yi-bulá mô
(to-RFM-miss in). The two alternatives that [Ken Safir] proposed for the
translation (i.e. RFM-miss x in the heart and RFM-miss in x’s heart) do not
reflect my intuition. The sentence could be translated as Etta RFM-misses in
(him) the heart (where him is RFM). In very slow speech, the sentence would be
ci) Etta a-ká-yi-bulá-mó omútíma
Etta
SM-TM-RFM-miss-in heart
To better
understand this, examine the following similar example
c') Etta a-ká-yi-bulá k’ omútwé n’ omugóngo
Etta
SM-TM-RFM-miss on head and back
Etta
does not know what to do
Now, you notice
that it is not the particle mo that
is used after the verb, rather the particle ko
that I translated as “on”. The sentence can thus be translated as Etta RFM-miss
on (him) the head and the back (where him = RFM).
Note that the
reflexive sentence is uniquely reflexive, that is, to use Ken Safir’s words,
the reflexive used in the examples in (A4c) is an inherently reflexive idiom;
The transitive verb meaning "worry" is different.
c") Etta worries Bill =
Etá
a-ka-handabuk-a-i-a [akáhandabukaya] Bill
Etta
SM1-TM-trouble-a-CAUS-fv Bill
Etta worries Bill
2.1.5 Person and number - Some languages use different
strategies depending on person or number.
A5a)
nayílangira
n-a-yi-langir-a
I-TM-RFM-see-fv
I saw myself
b) wáyíhutaláyâ
u-a-yi-hutali-a-i-a
you-TM-RFM-hurt-a-CAUS-fv (-a- is
inserted for phonological reasons)
you hurt yourself
c) tukándiyinabyâ
tu-kandi-yi-nab-i-a
we-TM-RFM-wash-CAUS-fv
we will wash ourselves
d)
tu-némundi-náb-a
we-TM-wash-fv
we will wash (meaning we will wash ourselves)
e) mú-lu-é
b’ erí-yi-watiki-â
you-be-TM C2 INF-RFM-help-fv (C2= class 2)
you
should help yourselves (lit. you are (people) to help yourselves)
Comment: C2 is
a noun class marker that replaces 'people' as the subject of the infinitive.
Literally, the sentence is mú-lu-e bandú
ba erí-yi-watikyâ. Since 'people'=bandu,
ba is the C2 here and there could be
no overt subject corresponding to the C2 other than the matrix subject (as also
shown in example (A14f)). (A5e) might also have been translated 'you are people
to help themselves', which indicates that Principle A is not challenged here.
Consider further:
e') á-lu-é w’ erí-yi-watiki-â (i.e. á-lu-e
mundú w’ erí-yi-watiki-â)
he-be-TM C1-Inf-yi-help-FV (he-be-TM-person C1-inf-yi-help-FV)
"He should help himself." (lit. He
is a person to help himself.)
Of course, the
subject marker of the infinitive can be either w- (for person cf. omúndu)
and b- (for people cf. abándu). The first, second, third person
singular in -lu-e will thus use w-
whereas the first, second, and third person plural in –lu-e will use b-.
2.1.6 Strategies for other clausemate environments
- If there are any additional reflexive strategies known to you (from grammars,
or from your linguistic knowledge), list them now.
(a) Is there any strategy which is only
possible with some special aspectual class of a verb?
A6a) Mukosa anáyasî
Mukosa a-na-yi-asi
Mukosa SM-TM-RFM-know
Mukosa knows himself
b) Mukosa á-béger-e
erí-yi-tsámb-a
Mukosa SM-use-TM INF-RFM-criticize-fv
Mukosa usually criticizes himself
c) Mukosa alíng’ angayítápa
Mukosa a-ling-a a-nga-yi-tap-a [alíng’ angayítápa]
Mukosa SM-seem-fv SM-TM-RFM-praise-fv
Mukosa is likely to praise himself
(lit. Mukosa seems to be a person to
praise himself)
(b) Do quantificational constructions
involve a separate strategy?
A7a) obuli mu-lwana a-yi-keber-a
[áyikebérâ]
Every C1-boy
SM-RFM-look-fv
Every boy looked at himself
b) abákali bosí ba-yí-kángirir-a Yoháni
women all SM-RFM-indicate-fv John
all the women indicated John to
themselves (i.e. described John to themselves)
Comment: Here,
the verb eri-kangirir-a has no applicative and it can take an
c) abaná ba-ná-byá-kó á-ba-ká-yi-watik-a-i-â
children SM1-TM-be-on those C2-TM-RFM-help-a-CAUS-fv(-a-
is inserted)
there were among children those who
help themselves
Comment: It means
'some of the children did help themselves' (not some children)
(c) If your language has a system of
grammaticized honorifics, do some types of honorific allow a strategy that has
not been listed yet?
No
grammaticized honorifics
(d) Experiment with placing both coreferring
arguments in various types of subordinate clauses, as your language allows.
A9a) Kambale
ati
Kambale says Alice SM-RFM-like-TM
Kambale says that
b) Kambale ábyá ánzire ati Alícé í-n-a-yí-píp-a
Kambale was liked he-says
Kambale wished that
c) Kambale aléngekanáya ati Alíce anga-yí-píp-ire
Kambale thought that
Kambale thought that
d) Kambale abwírá Alíce atí í-na-yí-píp-a
Kambale told
Kambale told
e) Kambale ásondire eri-yi-píp-a
Kambale he-wants INF-RFM-praise-fv
Kambale wants to praise himself
f) Kambale abúgá ati Alíce álwé w’
eri-yi-píp-a
Kambale said that
Kambale said that
f') Kambale a-ká-hingan-á
n’eri-yi-pípa
Kambale SM1-TM-be-guilty-fv and to-RFM-praise
Kambale is guilty of praising himself
Comment: I have
introduced (f') to try to take Kambale the subject of the infinitive.
f") *Kambale a-ká-lind-a
Kambale he-TM-wait-fv
Kambale expects
g) Kambale mó-a-owíre Alícé á-ka-yi-píp-a
[mówire]
Kambale TM-SM1-heard
Kambale heard
gi) Marya mó-á-yí-hulikir-íré á-ká-humúla
Mary
TM-SM1-RFM-hear-TM SM1-TM-breathe
Mary heard herself breathing
gii) Marya mo-a-yi-tungerer-ire
[mwáyítúngerere] á-ka-lu-á mo musási
Mary TM-SM1-RFM-look-TM SM1-TM- leave in blood
Mary saw herself bleeding
giii) Kambale mó-a-bandan-ire (mwábándene)
a-bá-lwaná bá-ka-yi-pípa
K TM-SM1-meet-TM Aug-C2-boy SM-TM-yi-praise
Kambale met the boys as they were
praising themselves
giv) Kambale
mó-a-bandan-ire (mwábándene) a-bá-lwaná í-ba-nému-yi-pípa
K
TM-SM1-meet-TM
Aug-C2-boy that SM-TM-yi-praise
Kambale met the boys as they were praising
themselves
gv) Kambale
mó-owíre Alícé i-n-a-nému-yi-pípa)
K TM hear
Comment: With perception verbs, the complementizer is
not used with the ka-tense marker. It
sounds a bit odd if I were to insert a complementizer as in gv, where the n in i-n-a
is inserted. I have introduced the complementizer in (A9gv) with the nemu tense and the sentence is perfect.
Here I could not say: Kambale
mw-á-bándene abálwana bá-ka-yi-pípa
(It is not that it is completely out ; it is just that I prefer to use the
nemu tense with the complementizer)
2.2 Ordinary
(potentially independent) pronouns
Even if pronouns are never used as
reflexives, we want to apply the tests of this questionnaire to them as well,
since knowing what is not possible is also useful to us.
2.2.1 First, show that the pronouns can be
independent by using them in a sentence where they do not have an antecedent.
A10a) Nákánáya na Mukosá muligólo.
Mw-á-lángire Másika
I-spoke with Mukosa yesterday TM-he-saw
Masika
I spoke with Mukosa yesterday. He saw Masika
b)
Mukosa alí hayi ? Na-mú-lángira omo-sóko
Mukosa is where
I-him-saw in-market
Where is Mukosa ? I saw him
in the market
c) mó-tu-a-kú-lángire.
Mo-u-ana-tu-langire ? [mówanatúlángire]
TM-we-TM-you (obj)-saw TM-you
(subj)-saw
We saw you. Did you see us ?
2.2.2 If your language has more than one type of
pronouns (e.g., null, clitic and non-clitic pronouns, strong, or stressable
pronouns, etc.), list each type with examples.
1. pronouns in
Kinande
ingye me
iwe you (sg)
iye him/her
itwe us
inywe you (pl)
ibo them
2. weak and
strong pronouns
In Bantu
linguistics, I believe that what the
syntacticians call weak pronouns are what is generally referred to as subject
or object markers. The forms in (1) are thus the strong pronouns. These
pronouns are exemplified in the following forms. (I have indicated the weak
pronoun by separating it from the rest of the verb with a hyphen.)
a. Subject
markers as weak pronouns
ingyé
n-gándigénda I am going
(lit. me, I am going)
iwé
u-kándigénda you are going
(lit. you, you are going)
iyé
a-kándigénda he is going
(lit. him, he is going)
itwé
tu-kándigénda we are going
(lit. us, we are going)
inywé
mu-kándigénda you are
going (lit. you, you are going)
ibó
ba-kándigénda they are going
(lit. them, they are going)
Notice that it
is not necessary to use the strong pronoun unless one wants to emphasize it.
So, these sentences are naturally rendered as:
n-gándigénda
/N-ká-ndi-gend-a/ I am going
u-kándigénda you
are going
a-kándigénda he/she
is going
tu-kándigénda we
are going
mu-kándigénda you are going
ba-kándigénda they
are going
b. Object
markers as weak pronouns
ukándi-nyi-rónda you will look for me
ngándi-ku-rónda I will look for you
ngándi-mu-rónda I will look for him
ukándi-tu-rónda you will look for us
tukándi-ba-rónda we will look for you (pl)
tukándi-ba-rónda we will look for them
Notice that the
“you” (pl) and “them” are rendered by the same
3. pronouns
used in special contexts
One remark
about the above examples is that the pronouns refer to people. They show that
the SM (or weak SM pronoun) has 6 different forms whereas the OM (or weak
ngándirondá-bô
“I will look for them” (cf. ngándibarónda)
*ukándironda
ingye
*ngándironda
iwe
*ukándironda iye
*ukándironda
itwe
*tukándironda
inywe
(The pronouns
have to appear inside the verb. That is why they qualify as weak personal
pronouns)
As for the
pronoun representing a non-personal object, the preferred position is post verbal as in:
a. ngandirondya
ekitábu I
will look for a book
ngándirondyá-kyô I will look for it
ngándi-ki-rondyâ I will look for it
b. ngandirondya
ebitábu I
will look for books
ngándirondyá-byô I will look for them
ngándi-bi-rondyâ I will look for them
c. ngándirondya
émbene I will look for a goat
?ngándi-yi-rondyâ
d. ngándirondya
esyómbene I will look for goats
ngándi-si-rondyâ I will look for them
Comment: the
reason the form in (c) is bad is probably because the -yi- pronoun would be
confused with the reflexive (myself, himself, etc. See reflexive -yi- in (4).
Also note that these weak pronouns behave as agreement markers whose form
depends upon the noun class this noun belongs to. Thus, ki- is class 7 whereas
bi- is class 8 and si- is class 10.)
4. anaphors
like myself, himself, herself, themselves
ingyówenewene myself
iwúwenewene yourself
iyówenewene himself/herself
itwíbenebene ourselves
inywíbenebene yourselves
ibíbenebene themselves
Notice that
these forms are related to the word that can be translated in English by
“alone” or “only.” Thus:
ingyówene me alone/only
iwúwene you alone/only
iyówene him alone/only